E384 



,0 

.C285 






iiilS 









gilllll 






;■»■•■:'; 







1 fill ''•■ '■■!■'' 






.<i-^°-. 



"^^o* 



7 « Y •■ 



















.i:^^ 









4-°^ 






ESSAY 

ON THE 

BISSOL.FTION OF THE UJ^IOX, 

THREATENED BY THE NULLIFIERS OF SOUTH CAROLINA. 

" United we stand ; divided we fall." 

"Frenzied be the head — palsied be the arm, that seeks to destroy the Union.'' — 
Gen. Eaton, the hero of Derna. 

" It is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of 
^"^ your national union to your coll ectire and individual happiness; that you should 
"cherish a cordial, habitual, and immoveable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves 
"to think and speak of it as the palladium of your political safety and prosperity: 
" watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever 
" may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned ; and INDIG- 
"NANTLY FROWXING UPON THE FIRST DAWNING OF EVERY 
"ATTEMPT TO ALIENATE ANY PORTION OF OUR COUNTRY 
"PROM THE REST, OR TO ENFEEBLE THE SACRED TIES 
«• WHICH NOW LINK TOGETHER THE VARIOUS PARTS."— Ge- 
"neral Washington's Farewell Address. 

" While the Union lasts, we have high, exciting, gratifying prospects spread out 
" before us, for us and our children. Beyond that 1 seek not to penetrate the veil. 
" God grant, that in my day, at least, that curtain may not rise. God grant, that on 
" my vision never may be opened what lies behind. When my eyes shall be turned to 
" behold, for the last time, the sun in heaven, may I not see him shining on the broken 
"and dishonoured fragments of a once glorious union ; on states dissevered, discordant, 
"belligerent; on a land rent with civil feuds, or drenched, it may be, in fraternal 
" blood ! — Let their last feeble and lingering glance, rather behold the gorgeous en- 
"sign of the republic, now known and honoured throughout the earth, still full 
"high advanced, its arms and trophies streaming in their original lustre, not a 
"stripe erased or polluted, nor a single star obscured — bearing for its motto no such 
"miserable interrrogatory as. What is all this worth? Nor those other words ofde- 
"lusion and folly, Liberty first, and Union afterivards ; but every where spread all 
"over in characters of hving light — blazing on all its ample folds, as they float over the 
"sea, and over the land, and in every wind under the whole heavens, that other senti- 
"ment, dear to every true American heart— LIBERTY and UNION, NOW 
" AND FOREVER, ONE AND INSEPARABLE."— Mr. Webster's reply to 
Mr. Hayne. 

" The Union preserves us from wasting and destroying one another. It preserves 
"relations of peace among communities, which, if broken into separate nations, would 
"be arrayed against one another in perpetual, merciless, and ruinous war. 
"It indeed contributes to our defence against foreign states; but still more, it de- 
" FENDS us FROM ONE ANOTHER." * * "For ourselves we fear, that 

"bloody AND MOURNFUL AS HUMAN HISTORY IS, A SADDER PAGE THAN HAS YET BEEN 
"written, MIGHT RECORD THE SUFFERINGS OF THIS COUNTRY, SHOULD WE DIVIDE 

"ourselves into SEPARATE COMMUNITIES. We fear that our country, in case of 
"disunion, would be broken into communities, which would cherish towards one 
" another singularly fierce and implacable enmities.'' — Christian Examiner, p. 148. 



SECOND PART. 



Tliircl Edition, improved. 

PHILADELPHIA : 
PRINTED BY L. JOHNSON* 

Oct. 3, 1832. 



EI 3Sf 

No.m. .C^^ST 



The eyes of the civilized world are now directed towards the Uni- 
ted States with intense interest. The despots, and friends of despot- 
ism, are elated with the hopes and the flattering prospect, that we 
shall be torn with factions — our government destroyed — and a full 
proof afforded, of the unholy doctrine that man is not made for self- 
government — a doctrine which goes far to justify all the arbitrary go- 
vernments that have ever existed — or that now or may hereafter exist. 
On the other hand, the friends of genuine liberty and human happi- 
ness, whose hopes of good and rational government, have greatly rested 
on the result of our experiment, begun under such favourable aus- 
pices, are in deep gloom and anxiety, lest all their fond hopes and 
wishes should be disappointed, by our folly, or our madness, or both. 
The " long agony will soon be over," as the nulliiiers, having by infi- 
nite address and management, indefatigable exertions, and distribution 
far and wide, of their insurrectionary doctrines, wrought the people 
to a state of frenzy, are now driving matters to extremity, lest the ef- 
fervescence should subside. 

After havin.8^ for months held out the delusive idea, that nullifi- 
cation was tlie best tnode of preserving the Union! ! ! that it was a 
peaceful remedy!!! for all their grievances — after having' thus 
brought the citizens, step l>y step, to the verge of the awful preci- 
pice, they presume there is no chance of retrocession, and throw 
off the disguise, and boldly and openly proclaim tlie necessity of 
a ^''dissolution of the Union." Hud they oiiginally announced 
tliese views, they would have been frowned down into insignifi- 
cance. But, well aware of this consequence, they concealed their 
ultimate views, until they had gradually excited the public pas- 
sions to madness, and prepared the citizens for the most violent 
and destructive measures — 

Sedition "is a monster of such mien, 
As, to be hated, needs but to be seen : 
Yet seen too oft, familiar witli her face. 
We first endure — then pity — tlien embrace." 

The Columbia Times has recently sounded the tocsin, To your 
tents, O Israel. Let it speak for itself. 

" I'he Union of these states is now virtually dissolved, dissolved in the only 
place wliei e it can be permanent, \ iz. in the hearts of ihe people. It is in va'n 
to cry out for the presi ri'atioij of tlie Union, when a century ainno' eradicate the 
prejudices that already exist between tlie people of the Nor h and Sou'h. Is it the 
nature of man to love his oppressor? Is it tlte nature of man to love the high- 
wayman that presents a loaded pistol to his breas' ivith one hand, while with the 
o^her he filches from his pocke's the price of his hard indus'ry? 

" It may be a-serted without the dread of refutation, that lo preserve the Union 
is to continue the tyranny of your oppressors, and to rivet the chains of slavery. 
The preaen' is not a lime for cold lemporizing policy. Ail disguise should be 
thrown off, and patriotism, (as in tlie days that tried meu's souls,) should speak 
—THIS UNION MUST BE DISSOLVED. 

" The line between the oppressors and the oppressed, is as distinctly marked 
out as that betwixt the American Colonies, and the Crown of Britain in 1776. 
The cases are the same. It is the government against the people. And it is not 
in the power of human reason to controvert it. Let tories and consolidationials 
try " Treason .'" " Treason.'" and at the same time remembei', that the same 



DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. 23 

exclamation drowned the echo of the voice of Patrick Henry, when, with elo- 
quence unequalled, he gave thatfirst impulse tothe ball of the revolution, which 
established, at least for a season, the libeity of America. 

" 1 will not shiinlc from the responsibility of the assertion, that fhe true policy 
of I he South is, to sepah^tk fiiom the Uviov. To continue in union, is to 
continue, like the fabled Atlas, to groan under the weight of a world on your 
shoulders." 



We set a glorious example to the nations of Europe, which some 
of them eagerly followed, with at least equal zeal, but unfortunately, 
in most cases, with very unequal success. France, after the loss of 
above a million of lives, hundreds of millions of money, and two 
revolutions, appears to be under a government more arbitrary than 
that of Louis XVI. Spain, which at one time had a noble form of 
government, that guarded equally against the iron hand of despot- 
ism, and the lawless ravages of anarchy, has succumbed to the arbi- 
trary sway of a despot, who, with base ingratitude, destroyed a large 
portion of the illustrious men who risked their lives and property, 
and spilled their blood, to pave his way to the throne. Portugal had for 
a short time, a free and liberal constitution, but has groaned for two or 
three years beneath the sway of a modern Nero or Tiberius. Italy made 
some noble efforts at the resuscitation of her ancient glory and liber- 
ties, which unhappily eventuated in the exile, the incarceration, in 
subterraneous dungeons, the cruel tortures, and the ignominious death 
of some of the most enlightened men of modern times. Poland, after 
the most heroic struggles in the same glorious cause, met with a still 
more lamentable fate. Not satisfied with the banishment of many of 
her noble defenders to the wilds of Siberia — the incarceration of 
others — the disgraceful execution of a portion — the janissary arrange- 
ment of scattering thousands of Ik^r children, through the provinces 
and among the serfs of Russia; the autocrat has blotted her out 
of the map of Europe. And to crown tlie whole, the late winds from 
Europe have brought us the appalling intelligence, that the mighty 
powers, Austria and Prussia, have conspired with the petty princes of 
Germany, to put down for ever all chance of liberation of that noble 
country, the birth place of some of the most exalted of the human 
race, almost without a hope of relief; for this unholy conspiracy has 
the command of such prodigious standing armies, as must be utterly 
irresistible by any of tliose desultory movements, which, under the 
peculiar circumstances of tlie case, the peoile can adopt: — and as all 
despots make common cause, should the forces of Austria and Prussia 
be insufficient at any future da}', to crush the rising spirit of Germany, 
those of Russia will be ready to unite with them in the unhallowed 
crusade against the imprescriptible lights of man. 

And this is the auspicious moment which Governor Hamilton, ex- 
governor Miller, Mr. M'Duffie, Mr. TurubuU, Mr. Hayne, Judge 
Cooper, and the parly to which tliey belong, and whose movements 
they in a great degree decide, have selected to countenance, as far as 
in their power, the impious designs of the conspiring despots of Eu- 
rope ; to rend in pieces the glorious fabric of our government by 
repealing, by the sic volo, sic jitbeo of a single state, a law of the U. 



24 DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. 

States enacted with all the formalities prescribed by the Constitu- 
tion — a law of which the constitutionality has been duly recognised 
by the judiciary of the United States, the only tribunal competent to 
decide on it — a law the principle of which has been also recognised and 
advocated and strenuously urged on Congress by Gen. Washington, 
Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Madison, and Mr. Monroe, and also ably sup- 
ported by Mr. Ames, Mr. Clymer, Mr. Lowndes, &c. and more espe- 
cially, in the most forcible and conclusive style, by Mr. Calhoun and 
Judge Cooper (now, by a strange change of opinion, among the warmest 
sticklers for the unconstitutionality of this law) and by successive 
Congresses for above forty years, during thirty of which its consti- 
tutionality was never called in question by any one, even of those 
who were violently opposed to many of its details : — in a word, to rise 
in rebellion against the national authority ! and on grounds most se- 
verely reprobated by two of the leaders, Mr. M'Duffie and Mr. Hayne, 
in the year 1821. 

And what are those grounds? Let us have them explicitly stated — 
The doctrine in substance, (the phraseology is unimportant) is, that 
when a state believes a law unconstitutional, she may annul or " nul- 
lify^^ it within her own borders. This is nearly equivalent to the 
Polish libenim veto, the real source of all the calamities of that fine 
country for centuries, and which ultimately yielded her an easy prey 
to her rapacious neighbours. Instead of attempting myself a refuta- 
tion of this disorganizing doctrine, which is utterly incompatible with 
the permanence of government, and which, had it been acted upon, 
in the progress of our affairs, particularly in the case of the alien 
and sedition laws, would, at an early stage of our career, have resolv- 
ed our confederacy into its original elements, I shall place before the 
reader the irresistible arguments of an authority to which the most 
ardent nuUifier in the nation cannot object: 

** If, after ifie National Judiciary have solemnly affirmed the constitutionality of 
a law, it is still to he resistedhy the state rulers, the constitution is literally at an end ,- 
a revolution of the govern menl is already accomplished ,- and anarchy waves his hor- . 
rid sceptre over the broken altars of this happy Uniffn! 

*' You assert that when any conflict shall occur between the general and 
state governments, as to the extent of their respective powers, *' EACH PARTY 
HAS A RIGHT TO JUDGK FOR ITSELF !" I confess I am at a loss to 
know how such a proposition ought to be treated. No climax of political 

HERESIES CAN BK IMAGINED, IN WHICH THIS MIGHT NdT FATULT CLAIM THE MOST 
PROMINENT PLACE. It RESOLVES THE GOVERNMENT, AT ONCE, INTO THE ELEMENTS 
OF PHYSICAL FORCE ; AND INTRODUCES US DIRECTLT INTO A SCENE OF ANARCHY AND 

BLOOD. There is not a single power delegated to the general government, which 
it would not be in the power of every state government to destroy under the 
authority of this licentious principle. 

" To suppose that the general government have a constitutional right to exercise 
certain powers, which must operate upon the people of the states, and yet that the 
government of each state has a right to fix and determine its own relative powers, and 
by necessary consequence, to limit the poivers of the general government, is to sup- 
pose the existence of two contradictory and inconsistent rights. In all governments 
there must be some one supreme power ; in other words, every question that 
can arise, p.s to the constitutional extent of the powers of different cla'-ses of 
functionaries, must be susceptible of a legal and peaceable determination by 
some tribunal of acknowledged authority ; or force must be the inevitable con- 
sequence. And where force begins, government ends." 



DISSOLUTION OP THE UNION. 25 

The reader ■will find it difiicult to believe — but strange as it may 
seem, it is nevertheless true — that these vs^ere the sentiments of Mr. 
M'Duffie in the year 1821 ! Comment on the enormous discrepancy 
between those sentiments and the insurrectionary doctrines now pro- 
fessed by this gentleman, in his public addresses, would be an insult 
to the understanding of the reader. 

With the essays from which the above quotation is extracted, which 
"were signed "One of the people," Major, now Governor Hamilton, was 
so enchanted, that he collected them from the newspapers, and pub- 
lished them in pamphlet form, with a strong commendation of their 
■cogency and merits, of which the following forms a part: 

"The arf^iiment of ' One of the People' is now presented in an unbroken 
succession, familiar to the most ordinary, and gratifying to the most comprehen- 
sive understanding. THE TKUTIIS THAT ARE UNFOLDED ARE IN 
TH?:iR NATURE ESSENTIALLY IMPERISHABLE. Whatever may be 
the fate of our National Charter, whether oiu' descendants are long destined to 
admire and worship that solidity which may give duration to its existence, and 
those proportions that now confer grandeur on its design, ov, in a far different 
mood, to mourn over the ruins of so fair a fabric, equivalent testimony will be afford- 
ed of the sacredness of the principles that are here inculcated; of their faithful 
{conservation in the first case, or of the disastrous and desolating violation and neglect 
they will have sustained in the last." 

Few instances can be found in history, of a more lamentable in- 
consistency and change of sentiment, so fully fraught with the 
most mischievous consequences — a change from a rational, ardent 
defence of peace, good order, submission to gtjvernment, and con- 
stitutional principles, to tlie open advocacy of principles subversive 
of all order, and leading most assuredly to a dissolution of the 
Union, and its certain attendant, civil war. When men of talents, 
influence, and indefatigable zeal* change their principles and 
adopt others diametrically opposite, according as times and their 
political views and prospects change — they are ignes fatui, cal- 
culated to lead nations to their ruin. Prudence, policy and sound 
sense proclaim them unsafe guides. 

It is time fearlessly to call things by their proper names — and 
therefore I venture to assert, that nullification is incipient '■'' rebel- 
lion," Rebellion is defined to be, open or violent resistance to the 
lawful authority of a government. Nullification is resistance to a 
law enacted by the constitutional legislative authority of the United 
States. This is the first stage of rebellion. The second will take 
place, if the executive, as in duty bound, attempts to enforce the 
law ; violent resistance being determined on in that case. 

Omitting various conclusive arguments adduced in favour of 

* The zeal with which the nullifiei's are actuated, may be readily conceived 
from the fact, that they have printed in thirteen monhs 130,000 iusurrecticmary 
tracts, and, as I am credibly informed, have employed a number of propa- 
gandists to spread them over all the southern states. During all this time, 
the friends of peace and union in the middle and eastern states, have looked on 
with the most culpable and pernicious indifference, and made no effort to coun- 
teract the effect of those inflammatory publications — so much more ardour is 
displayed to overturn than to support the government. In a late statement I 
overrated the expense ot those tracts, as they aie by no means so large as I had 
supposed. 



26 DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. 

the constitutionality of the protecting system, the merits of the 
question may be restt-d on the clear, explicit and unanswerable 
adinision of the Free Trade Convention, an authority, from which 
neither Governor Hamilton, nor Judge Cooper, nor Mr. M'Duffie, 
nor any of their fiiends, can appeal. That body stated that, 

'« They admit that Congress may countekvail tfie regulations of a foreign 
power, hostile to our commerce." 

Now I will assume, as a postulate, that if a foreign nation enacts 
^* regulations hostile to our commerce,'^ in the shape of prohibi- 
tions, or prohibitory duties, there is no possible mode in which we 
can ^^countervail" those '■^hostile regulations^'" but by the recipro- 
cation of similar prohibitions or prohibitory duties. 

Thus the case is simplified, and rendered level to the meanest 
capacity — and we have only to ascertain whether such ''hostile 
regulations" of " foreiq^n powers" do actually exist to an extent 
sufficient to justify our hi.e:h duties. This is a point soon settled. 

Almost all the nations of Europe exclude our bread stuffs, the 
chief dependence of probably 4,000,000 of our population, from 
consumption in their dominions, except in case of dearth, existing 
or impending. Now, I trust that no honourable man will deny that 
this is a clear and palpable '■'■ regulation hostile to our commerce" 
and would, if it stood alone, warrant, according to the admission of 
the Free Vrade Convention, and to the eternal principles of justice 
and self-defence, not merely the very highest duti*;s we have ever 
imposed on any of the articles we import from those European 
nations, but absolute prohibition — for instance, of the brandies, or 
wines, or silks of France — of the iron wares, or cottons, or wool- 
lens of Great Britain — of the fruits or wines of Spain — of the gin 
of Holland — of the hemp or iron of Russia. We, however, pro- 
hibit nothing. But the prohibitory duties of Europe are not con- 
fined to our bread stuffs. Every article with whicli they can dis- 
pense, with scarcely an exception, is in nearly the same predica- 
ment. Great Britain imjjoses a duty of about 100 per cent, on 
rice — 1000 per cent, on our leaf, and 2500 per cent, on our manu- 
factured tobacco — and on our lumber and various other articles, 
duties from 200 to 2000 per cent, more than on similar articles 
imported from her colonies I 

It may not be unnecessary to state a few instances. 

BRITISH DUTIF.S. 
From Ihe United SLates. From British Possessions. 

Olive wood, per toa 169s. 6cl. I 12s. 4d. 

Oars, per 120 299s. 3d. | 19s. 6d. 

Spermaceti oil, per tun 5.32s. Is. 

Whale fins, p r cwt. 19y0s. | 20s. 

(iypsum, perton 31s. 8d. Is. 3d. 

Copper ore, per cwt I2s. | Is. 

These, out of fifty similar instances, aie abundantly sufficient to 
prove the extreme iiiec|uality with which our trade is carried on 
with Europe, and to what a grievous extent we suffer from '■^hos- 
tile regulations of foreign powers. " 

And yet, miruhile dictu, we are threatened with rebellion be- 
cause we impose duties on British Manufactures, which, except 
in four or five instances, do not average above twenty-five per cei»t. 



DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. 27 

Surely never was national delusion carried much farther, than in 
the senseless clamour with which the free trade presses have 
abounded for years on this subject. 

No addition is necessary to the admission of the Free Trade 
Convention. It is decisive. But it cannot be amiss to add the 
conclusive reasoning of President Jackson, so often quoted, the 
force of which never has been and never can be impaired by the 
most talented advocate of free trade. Having premised that the 
stales surrendered to the United States, the power of imposing 
duties on imports, 'Hvilh a view to the encouragement of domestic 
industry," he adds — 

" If this power be 7iot possessed by the Ger.eral Government, it must be extinct. 

OrR POLITICAL SYSTEM WOULD THUS PRESENT THE ANOMALY OF A PEOPLE STRIP- 
PED OF THE RIGHT TO FOSTER THEIR OWN INDUSTRY, AND TO COUNTERACT THE 
MOST SELFISH AND DESTRUCTIVE POLICY WHICH MIGHT BE ADOPTED BY FOREIGIT 

NATIONS. This surely cannot be the case: this indispensable power, thus surren- 
dered by the states, must be within the scope of the authority on this subject, 
expressly delegated to Congress." — President Jacksoiis Message to Congress, 
Dec. 6, 1830. 

This overwhelming and unanswerable view of the subject is 
most earnestly and respectfully submitted to Col. Drayton, and 
the other leaders of the union party, who unfortunately believe in 
the uriconstitutionality of the protecting sytem, anrl from that 
belief contend with their antagonists at an immense disadvantage. 

HAMILTON. 

Philadelphia, Sept. 5, 1832. 



DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION— No. IV.* 

At the last session of Congress, the tariff of 1828 was discussed 
in the spirit of compromise, and numerous modifications were 
made, by some of which the interests of particular branches of 
manufactures were materially injured. It was fondly hoped that 
these modifications would allay the effervescence in South Caro- 
lina, and arrest the insurrectionary movements in that state. But 
unfortunately the expectation was vain — for the leaders have be- 
come more violent and more determined to carry into effect their 
destructive schemes. 

We are gravely assured, and in a solemn appeal to the heated 
passions of the southern States, by citizens of high standing — 
Messrs. Hayne and Miller, of the Senate, and Messrs. M'Duffie, 
Davis, Felder, Griffin, Nuckolls, and Barnwell, of the House of 
Representatives, that the new tariff is more oppressive to the 
southern states, than that of 1828 ! ! 

" The burdens of the Protecting Duties ere decidedly increased, estimating 
the cash duties and diminished credits at an average of more than fifty per cent.; 
while the duties on\he unprotected articles, which, upon every principle of equa- 

* This Essay was published about two weeks since, as No. HI. and intended 
to close the series. But as some errors had escaped in it, and as it has been 
greatly impro\ ed in the arrangement ; it is presumed that its republication can- 
not be improper, at present. 



28 DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. 

lity and ji'stice, should sustain the principal part of the burdens of taxation, arCj, 
with a few inconsiderable exceptions, entirely repealed. 

" Upon those manufl^ctures which are received in exchange for the staple 
productions of the Southern States, the aggregate increase of the burdens 

OF taxation, BEYKNn WHAT THEY WERE UNDER THE TaRIFF OF 1828, IS BELIEVED 

TO BE UPWARDS OF One MiiLioN OF DoLLARs ! ! ! while the reduction or re- 
peal of the duties on those imports which we receive in exchange for the pro- 
ductions of the Tariff States, [?] and are principally consumed in those States, [?] 
amounts to about four millions of dollars/ While, therefore, the aggregate burdens 
of Taxation are diminished four millions of dollars by this Bill, the positive bur- 
dens of the Southern States are not diminished at all, and their relative burdens are 
very greatly increased /" — Mdress of Messrs. Hayne, Miller, McDuJfie, Davis, 
Felder, Nuckuls, and Barnwell, to the Citizens of South Carolina. 

Let us test these confident statements by simple, undeniable facts : 
\. Mr. M'Duffie has asserted, that the southern states pay forty per 
cent, of the impost. The reduction by the new tariff, is from 6 to 
$10,000,000,— say the former sum. Forty per cent.on $6,000,000, is 
$2,400,000, reduced, if Mr. M'Duffie's own statement be correct, (and 
surely he at least cannot object to it) from the contributions of the 
southern states. Is this large reduction more burdensome to the 
South? 

2. The debate on cotton bagging in 1824, occupied eight or ten 
days. It was asserted that the addition of a cent a square yard would 
operate most oppressively on the cotton planters, and, if I recollect 
rightly, would tax them to the amount of above 100,000 dollars an- 
nually. The duty is now reduced 30 per cent., from 5 cents to 3i. 
Is this more burdensome to the South ? 

3. By the tariff of 1828, baizes were estimated to have cost 50 cents 
per square yard, and were subject to 45 per cent, on that rate, or 22^ 
cents per square yard. By the new tariff they are subject to 16 cents 
per square yard ; being a reduction of 30 per cent. Is this more bur- 
densome to the South? 

4. By the tariff of 1828, blankets were subject to 38^ per cent, 
duty. By the new tariff, those which cost below 75 cents, are to pay 
5 per cent. Those above 75 cents, pay 25 ; being a reduction of 90 
per cent, on the former, and 35 per cent, on the latter. Is this more 
burdensome to the South ? 

5. Iron, in bars or bolts, is subject to $37 per ton. It is in future 
to pay 30; being a reduction of nearly 20 per cent. Is this more 
burdensome to the South ? 

6. Kendal cottons pay 14 cents per square yard, equal to about 
60 per cent. They are to pay 5 per cent. ; being a reduction of above 
80 per cent. Is this more burdensome to the South ? 

7. Brown sugar pays 3 cents per lb. It is to pay 2|. The re- 
duction is 16 2-3 per cent. Is this more burdensome to the South? 

8. White, clayed, or powdered sugar pays 4 cents per lb. It is 
to pay 3^ cents per lb. The reduction is, 16 2-3 per cent. Is this 
more burdensome to the South ? 

9. Teas of various kinds, pay duties averaging about 30 cents per 
lb. They are in future to be free. Is this more burdensome to the 
South? 

10. Coffee paid 5 cents per lb. by the tariff of 1828 — and by that 



DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. 29 

^ of 1830, one cent. It is now free. Is this more burdensome to the 
South? 

11. Woollen foods, by the minimum arrangement of 1828, are 
subject to duties which might, and occasionally did, amount to up- 
wards of 100 per cent. The minimum duties, which were more 
grievously complained of than any other portion of the tariff, are 
abolished, and the duty is 50 per cent, ad valorem. Is this more 
oppressive to the South ? 

12. Woollen goods not exceeding 33^ cents per square yard, pay 
14 cents per square yard, averaging from 45 to 50 per cent. They 
are to pay 5 per cent. ; being a reduction of from 80 to 90 per cent. 
Is this more burdensome to the South? 

13. Bombazeens, Norwich crapes, &c. pay 36 per cent. They 
are to pay 10 per cent. ; being a reduction of above 70 per cent. Is 
this more burdensome to the South? 

14. Silk goods from beyond the Cape of Good Hope, pay 36 per 
cent. They are to pay 10 per cent. From this side the Cape, they 
pay 22 per cent. ; they are to pay 5 per cent, being a reduction of 70 
per cent, in the one case, and 80 per cent, in the other. Is this more 
burdensome to the South? 

15. Linens pay 27.5 per cent. They are to pay 15 per cent.; 
being a reduction of about 45 per cent. Is this more burdensome to 
the South ? 

16. Hats, of Leghorn, straw, chip, &c. pay 55 per cent., besides 
a dollar minimum. They are to pay 30 per cent. ; being a reduction 
of about 45 per cent. Is this more burdensome to the South? 

17. Wines, Madeira and Sherry, pay 50 cents per gallon. They 
are to pay 25 cents; being a reduction of 50 per cent. Is this more 
burdensome to the South ? 

18. Wines, from France, red and white, averaged 121 cents. They 
are to average 4 cents ; being a reduction of 66 per cent. Is this 
more burdensome to the South ? 

19. Worsted stuff goods, viz. bombazets, ratinets, moreens, last- 
ings, &;c. pay 27| per cent. They are to pay 10 per cent. ; being a 
reduction of above 60 per cent. Is this more burdensome to the 
South? 

20. Hemp paid 60 dollars per ton. It is to pay 40 ; being a reduc- 
tion of 33 J per cent. Is this more burdensome to the South? 

21. Wools, costing 8 cents per lb. paid, according to the tariff of 
1828, 4 cents per lb., and 50 per cent, on the value. They are to be 
duty free. Is this more burdensome to the South? 

22. Straw matting from China, of which large quantities are im- 
ported, pays at present 15 cents per square yard, equal to about 150 
per cent. It is in future to pay 5 per cent. ; being a reduction of about 
145 per cent. Is this more burdensome to the South? 

23. Nankeens from China, pay at present 30 per cent.: by the new 
tariff they are to pay 20 per cent. ; being a reduction of duty of 33 
per cent. Is this more burdensome to the South ? 

24. Window glass, 10 by 15, pays at present $5 per hundred feet. 
It is henceforward to pay $4; being a reduction of 20 per cent. Is 
this more burdensome to the South ? 

D 



29 DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. 

25. Woollen hosiery, mits, gloves, <fcc. pay at present 381 per 
cent. They are in future to pay 25; being a reduction of about 35 
per cent. Is this reduction more burdensome to the South? 

26. Vessels of copper pay at present 38d per cent. They are to 
pay 25 per cent. ; being a reduction of about 35 per eent. Is this 
more burdensome to the South? 

27. Hair cloth pays 33 per cent. It is to pay 15; being a reduc- 
tion of about 60 per cent. Is this more burdensome to the South ? 

28. Wool, above 8 cents per lb. paid 4 cents per lb. and 55 per 
cent. It is in future to pay 4 cents per lb. and 40 per cent, on the 
value ; being a reduction on the ad valorem of nearly 30 per cent. Is 
this more burdensome to the South? 

29. Manufactures of wood pay 33 per cent. They are to pay 25 
per cent. ; being a reduction of nearly 25 per cent. Is this more 
burdensome to the South ? 

30. Side and fire arms pay 33 per cent. They are to pay 25 in 
future ; being a reduction of nearly 25 per cent. Is this more burden- 
some to the South ? 

31. Adzes, axes, &c. pay 38^ percent. They are in future to pay 
30; being a reduction of above 2U per cent. Is this more burdensome 
to the South ? 

32. Cyphering slates pay 36j per cent. They are to pay 25 per 
cent. ; being a reduction of 30 per cent. Is this more burdensome to 
the South ?* 

Here we see that various reductions have taken place, some 16 2-3, 
20, 50, 70, &c. percent, on cotton bagging, blankets, baizes, Kendal cot- 
tons, woollen goods of low price, bombazeens, Norwich crapes, silks, 
linens, hats, wines, hemp, low-priced wools, straw matting, nankeens, 
woollen hosiery, vessels of copper, adzes, axes, &c. &c. most of them 
articles of general use in the Southern States; and yet we are assured 
that the new tariff is more burdensome on the South than the old ! ! ! I 
And Mr. Hayne, in his late address has stated, that 

•' The general character of the Bill was manifest on its face. It had clearly 
aggravated the inequality and injustice of the system, by greatly reducing or 
taking off entirely the duties on the unprotected articles, while THK DUTIES 
ON THK PROTECTED ARTICLES REMAINED SUBSTANTIALLY 
THE SAME!!!" 

And again : 

" Duties to the amount of $3,000,000 on the unprotected articles, have been 
entirely repealed — and upwards of a million more taken off, while ike duties on 
the pro'ected articles have remained suhstanlially undiminished //.'" 

How stupendous the infatuation and excitement that could lead 
a towering mind into such an eg-regious error ! 

To the articles at present exempt (rom duty, the following are to be added, 
from the 3d of March, 1833. — Cocoa, almonds, currants, prunes, figs, raisins, 
black pepper, ginger, mace, nutmegs, cinnamon, cassia, cloves, pimento, crude 
saltpetre, flax unmanufactured, quicksilver, opium, quills unprepared, tin in 
plates and sheets, unmanufactured marble, arj^ol, gum Arabic, gum Senegal, 

* The existing duties in the above list are stated as actually paid — that is to 
say, the ten per cent added at the custom house to the amount of the invoice, 
is here added to the duty. By the existing arrangement a nominal duty of 30, 
is really a duty of 33 per cent. 



DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION, 31 

epaulettes of gold and silver, lac dye, madder, nuts and berries used in dying, 
saffron, turmeric, woad and pastel, aloes, ambergris, Burgundy pitch, Peruvian 
bark, cochineal, capers, chamomile flowers, coriander seed, cantharides, cas- 
tanas, catsup, chalk, coculus Indicus, coral, dates, filberts, filtering stones, horn 
plates for lanterns, ox horns, India rubber, ipecacuanha, ivory unmanufactured, 
juniper berries, musk, nuts of all kinds, olives, oil of juniper, paintings and 
drawings, rattans unmanufactured, reeds unmanufactured, rhubarb, rotten stone, 
tamarinds, tortoise shell, tin foil, shellac, sponges, sago, lemons, limes, pine 
apples, cocoa nuts and shells, irris or orris root, arrowroot, sal ammoniac, Co- 
lombo root, annatto, anniseed, oil of anniseed, oil of cloves, cummin seed, sar- 
saparilla, balsam tolu, assafoetida, ava root, alcornoque, canella alba, cascarilla, 
Haerlem oil, hartshorn, manna, senna, tapioca, vanilla bean?, oil of almonds, 
nux vomica, amber, platina, busts of marble, metal or plaster ; casts of bronze 
or plaster, strings of musical instruments, flints, kelp, kermes, pins, needles, 
mother of pearl, hair manufactured, liair pencils, Brazil paste, tartar crude ; ve- 
getables, such as are used principally in dying and in composing dyes, &c. &c. 
And further, — AU articles not enumerated in this act, and which are now liable 
to an ad valorem duty of 15 per cent, (except tartar emetic, Rochelle salts, sul- 
phate of quinine, calomel, corrosive sublimate, sulpliate of magnesia and glauber 
salts,) are henceforth free of duty. Are these exemptions more burdensome to 
the South? 

It is confidently asserted by the nuUifiers and their friends, that the 
alteration of the currency of the pound sterling from 444 cents to its 
real value, 480 cents, and the reduction of the credits from an average 
of about ten months to four, more than countervail the reduction of 
the duties, and thus render the new tariff more burdensome than the 
'old ! ! ! Let us test this assertion by figures : 

"We will take £1,000 sterling worth of adzes, axes, &c. which pay 30 per 
cent, under the old tariff", and will pay 25 per cent, under the new. 

1828. 1832. 

£1,000 equal to $4444 44 £1,000 equal to - - $4,800 00 

10 per cent, added, 444 44 

4,888 88 Duty 25 per cent. - - 1,200 00 

Difference in favor of importer, 237 66 



Duty 50 per cent. - - 1,466 66 
Deduct 6 months' discount, at 

4 per cent, per annum,* 29 00 



1,437 66 1,437 66 



£1,000 worth of hosiery at 35 per At 25 per cent, in future. 

cent, at present. £1,000, equal to - - $4800 00 

£1,000, equal to - $4,444 44 

10 per cent, added, - 444 44 Duty 25 per cent. - - 1,200 00 

Difference in favor of importer, 476 88 

4,888 88 



Duty, 35 per cent. - 1,711 10 
Deduct 6 months' discount, 34 22 



Net duty - §1,676 88 $1,676 88 

• The discount allowed for prompt payment by government is only 4 per cent. 
The credit formerly averaged 10 months ; at present it is only four, for all ex- 
cept woollens, on wliich there is no credit : making a difference of six months 
against the importer, under the present tariff, compared with the tarifi" of 182;> 
— and of tile wiiole ten, in rega.d to woollens. 



32 DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. 

It must not be overlooked, that the alteration of the value of the 
pound sterling affects no imports but those from Great Britain, and 
even of those none but such as are subject to ad valorem duties. 

Philad'a. Sept. 8, 1832. HAMILTON. 

DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION.— NO. V. 

Here it is proper to make a solemn pause on the very verge of a 
tremendous precipice, one desperate plunge into which would lead to 
civil war with all its fearful aggregation of horrors. We find eight 
citizens, ranking among the first in the land, promulgating a document 
vi^hich is regarded — perhaps intended — as a signal to invite a single 
state to resist laws duly enacted by a majority of the representatives 
of the whole Union — a resistance which is neither more nor less than 
rebellion — and this measure is urged on a ground, which, when fairly 
examined, vanishes, "/iie the baseless fabric of a vision, and leaves 
not a trace behind.''^ The assertion, that the new tariff is more bur- 
densome to the South, than the tariff of 1828, is, as we have seen, not 
only unsupported by fact, but is most unequivocally contradicted by 
fact, and utterly destitute of the shadow of foundation. 

I will not allow myself to believe that these gentlemen attempted 
wilfully to deceive the public. Their characters place them too high 
for such a suspicion. But that they have laboured under an halluci- 
ation as complete as any of those above alluded to,* will hardly be de- 
nied. — And unhappily, an error on such an important subject, resulting 
from a want of careful investigation, may produce as fatal results, as 
an egregious, wilful misstatement. That these gentlemen have been 
most culpably remiss in committing themselves by such an erroneous 
document without due investigation, will not admit of a moment's 
doubt. And is it not highly probable — nay, almost certain — that 
when they have thus egregiously erred on a simple question of mat- 
ter of fact, where the error was discoverable in five minutes' examina- 
tion, they have fallen into equal errors in those metaphysical abstractions 
and dogmatic opinions which they and their friends have promulgated 
on this momentous subject, by which the passions of the citizens of 
South Carolina have been roused to madness, and a portion of the state 
made ready " /o renew the bloody scenes of the revolution P''^ 

What a melancholy view this circumstance presents of human af- 
fairs ! On what slender threads the peace and happiness of nations 
depend ! Here are, I repeat, eight citizens, who, from station, culti- 
vation, and standing, are arrayed in the front ranks of society, who, for 
want of proper investigation, have sanctioned with their honoured 
names, what is thus plainly and irrefutably proved to be not only not 
true, but the reverse of truth, of which the direct tendency is to destroy 
the peace and happiness of 13,000,000 of souls and their descendants 
— to array father against son, son against father, and brother against 

• See page 1 6. 



^ 



J 



DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. 33 



ferotlieT — to make a jubilee for the friends of despotism throughout the 
world — to cover the friends of mankind with gloom and horror — and 
finally to give strength to the sickening and appalling maxim, that man 
is iocapable of self-government ! Alas ! for human nature ! 

It now remains to sum up, in brief, the leading heads of this 
mighty question, so as to place it in a coup d'oeil before the reader. 

1. The first Congress embraced some of the members of the 
federal Convention, who in Congress zealously advocated the 
protecting system, and must have known the intent and meaning^ 
of the instrument they devised themselves. 

2. The second act of that Congress, declared in its preamble, 

"Whereas it is necessary for the support of government — for the discharge 
of the debts of the United States, and the encouraoemknt of manufactures, 
that duties be laid on goods, wares and merchandize imported." 

3. All the Congresses from the year 1789, to the present time, 
have enacted protecting duties, and generally by considerable 
majorities. 

4. For thirty years the constitutionality of the system was ne- 
ver once called in question. 

5. Judge Cooper and Mr. Calhoun, now among the most zea- 
lous opposers of the system, on the ground of unconstitutionality, 
were its ardent advocates; the former in 1813, and the latter in 
181611 

6. Mr. Lowndes, as pure, as sound, and as enlightened a states- 
man as ever lived, advocated, in 1816, the minimum duty on Cot- 
tons, the highest duty ever imposed in this country before 1828, 
and also the protection of woollens.* 

7. Six of the eight representatives from South Carolina, Mr. 
Calhoun, Mr. Chappell, Mr. Lowndes, Mr. Mayrant, Mr. Middle- 
ton and Mr. Woodward, voted for that duty. 

8. Four Presidents, General Washington, Mr. Jefferson, Mr. 
Madison and Mr. Monroe, urged the protecting system on Con- 
gress. 

9. Can it for a moment be pretended — can the most ardent, 
unflinching, and determined nullifier, venture to assert — that Gen. 
Washington, Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Madison, Mr. Lowndes, Judge 
Cooper in 1813, and Mr. Calhoun in 1816, were less gifted, less 
sagacious to expound the constitution, or less attached to its 
spirit, than Mr. Hayne, Mr. Calhoun and Judge Cooper, in 1832 ? 

10. Mr.M'Duffie, in 1821, published a most overwhelming and 
unanswerable refutation of the doctrine of nullification. 

* "Mr. Lowndes entered into AN AMPLE AND PARTICULAR DE- 
FENCE OF THE SYSTEM REPORTED ON THE SUBJECT OF 
COTTONS, by the Cominiltee of Ways and Means." National latelligcncer, 
March 22, 1816. 

"Mr. Lowndes observed, that he believed TtiE MANTFAcruRF, of wooi.lf.ks, avd 

P\RI'ICU[,.ARI,V OF BI.ANKKT.S, RF.aUIRF.D A DF.CIDKD PRKSF.N'T EXCOUR AC. KMKN' P. — 

Idem, March 27, 1816. 

LofC. 



34 DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. 

11. Governor (then major) Hamilton, republished this refuta- 
tion, with the hig^hest approbation, declaring that " the truths it 
contains are IMPERISHJiBLE.'' 

12. Both those gentlemen, together with Mr. Calhoun and Judge 
Cooper, who are now united in urging resistance to the go- 
"vernment, were in the prime of life, with their faculties perfectly- 
matured, when they advocated doctrines, the antipodes of those 
they advocate at present. 

13. Can it be admitted, for a moment, that they were not a« 
fully competent to decide on the rights and duties of the States, in 
1821 as they are in 1832 ? 

14. In consequence of our dependence on Europe for blankets 
and clothing, our armies suffered more during the early part of the 
last war for the want of those articles, than from the enemy. 

15. The country suffered intense distress from the close of the 
late war, till the close of the year 1823, when we enjoyed what 
may be called free trade ; that is, when our duties were low, and 
calculated almost altogether for revenue. 

16. Since the year 1824, when the protecting tariff went into 
operation, the country has been uniformly prosperous, except in 
the bubble year 1825. 

17. Nothing will satisfy the nullifiers, but such a reduction of 
duties as would ruin hundreds of thousands of their fellow citi- 
zens. The most embittered enemy could not display more deadly 
hostility, than they do against those fellow-citizens. 

18. The tales of the distress said to exist in South Carolina, 
are put down by last year's message of the governor, which con- 
gratulates the legislature on the prosperity of the state. 

19. Intense distress, far more than is asserted to exist at pre- 
sent, prevailed in that state from 18 19 till 1823, before either of 
the obnoxious tariffs was passed; and therefore it was manifestly 
unjust, and calculated to lead the people astray, to charge any 
present distress, real or supposed, to the account of the tariffs of 
1824 and 1828. ' 

20. The charge of the tariffs of 1824 and 1828, producing distress 
and suffering, was the origin of all the disaffection and the insur- 
rectionary spirit that prevail in South Carolina, and are spreading 
elsewhere — and though fully proved to be destitute of the shadow 
of foundation, its effects continue with unabated virulence. 

21. The proceeds of the exports of South Carolina at present, 
are as great as they ever were since 1819, and her citizens pur- 
chase every article they want, whether foreign or domestic, at 
reduced prices, from 10 to 30, 40 oi- 50 per cent. Of course, they 
must be far more prosjjerous than they were before the enaction 
of those tariffs. 

22. Almost every article, without exception, that has been duly 
protected, has been improved in quality and reduced in price. 

23. While we are daily stunned with clamours about the danger 
of consoHdalion, the general government has been repeatedly 
bearded by some of the states — so that, as Mr. M'Duffie has just- 
ly observed, 

" We have more cause of apprehknsion from the states, than 



DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. 35 

FROM THE GENERAL GOVERNMENT — OR, IN OTHER WORDS, THERE IS, IN 
OUR SYSTEM, A GREATER TENDENCY TO DISUNION, THAN TO CONSOLIDA- 
TION." 

24. Mr. M'Duffie and his friends appear disposed to prove the 
truth of this position. 

25. The duties on at least 30 protected articles, are reduced from 
16j to 145 per cent, by the tariif of 1832 ; and yet we are assured it 
is more, burdensome to the South than that o/" 1828 !! 

26. The impost is reduced, 6 to §10,000,000, and yet the com- 
plaint is as g'reat as if there were no reduction made. 

27. As our bi'ead stuffs are i>;enerally prohibited in Europe, un- 
less in case of dearth — and as enormous duties are imposed on our 
rice, tobacco, lumber. Sec. Sec. our duties, are perfectly justified 
by the doctrine of the Free Trade Convention, thut " Congress may 
countervail the regulations of foreign powers hostile to our commerce." 

28. Flour, Avhen the bushel of wheat averages in England 5s. 
7^d. sterling, pays a duty of about 81 per cent., and when at 6s. 
3d. a duty of about 70 per cent. 

29. The great staple of Pennsylvania is, as I have stated, almost 
universally excluded from the ports of Europe for domestic con- 
sumption, unless in the case of dearth. The great staple of South 
Carolina is freely received in every port in Europe — sells at fair 
prices — and commands cash. Yet Pennsylvania submits — and 
S. Carolina is preparing for rebellion, because "countervailing" 
duties have been imposed on English manufactures, to make a 
market at home for the bread stuffs rejected abroad ! ! 

30. Ruinous and deplorable as a dissolution of the Union would 
be, it would not, at least for a considerable time, produce as much 
destruction and distress, as would immediately result from an 
abandonment of the protecting system. 

31. The dissolution of the Union, and the resolving the United 
States, " into their original elements," that is, separate confedera- 
cies, jealous of, and hostile to, each other, and the sport of foreign 
nations, would be a subject of universal rejoicing to despots and 
friends of despotism all over the world, and blast, and wither, and 
destroy the hopes entertained by the friends of mankind, of the 
practicability of republicanism—as we have had more advantages 
than any other nation ever had ; and certainly at least as many as 
any other nation will ever have. 

32. In the event of a dissolution of the Union, as sure as the sun 
shines, so surely shall we realize, in a greater or less degree, the 
deplorable scenes that have torn the governments of South Ame- 
rica in pieces for twenty years; and our government will probably 
terminate, as some of theirs have done, in a despotism ! And for 
what I on the construction of a clause of the Constitution, on which 
the nuHifiers are in direct hostility with Gen. Washington, Mr. Jef- 
ferson, Mr. Madison, Mr. Monroe, Mr. Lowndes, Mr. Ames, and 
with Judge Cooper, in 1813, and Mr. Calhoun In 1816! Can his- 
tory produce a stronger instance of dire infatuation ? 

After the reader has calmly and dispassionately considered the 



36 DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. 

above strong facts and fair deductions, let me ask him, in the language 
of Col. Drayton, who boldly heads the illustrious band who are strug- 
gling to preserve the sacred ark of the constitution :— 

" Shall we, instead of availing ourselves of that ^tide in the affairs qfmen^iDhich, 
taken at thejlood, leads on to prosperous fortune,^ abandon rthalerer is dear to xis as 
patriots, whatsoever renown we have derived from our ancestors, whatsoever of glory 
we have acquired abroad, and whatsoever of liberty and happiness ite have enjoyed 
at home; and rashly barter away these estimable treasures, to plunge into the vortex 
of Nullification ?" 

I add the solemn adjuration of a patriotic Carolinian: 

" In the holy name of patriotism — in mercy to the whole human family of man 
— in gratitude to that God -who has blessed us above every other people — Pause ! 
Pause, and reflect on the condition in -which our state and nation are placed ! 
Reject from your confidence, men who are urging you to madness, to get rid of 
a system at a risk of revolution, luhich system they have been more than others 
instrumental in fixing on you. The same political blindness, which led them in 
the most vigorous periods of their youth and manhood, to involve this nation in 
the adoption of constitutio7ial principles which they now say must work our utter 
ruin, should be a solemn warning, that they are not safe political guides. Hov/ 
in the name of God can you confide in the counsels of these men, when they now 
urge you to measures which may involve this state and yourselves in 07ie common 
ruin — 7iay more, may lead to the dismembermeiit of this whole Repxiblic ?" 



We have seen three attempts to destroy the Union. Two of them, 
thank Heaven, failed. May the God of infinite mercy, who has 
brought the country through so many dangers and difficulties, defeat, 
and blast, and wither the third ! " So mote it he." 

The language of the different periods is different — the motives as- 
signed for action are different — the pleas of justification are different — 
but the grand object of all is the same—THE DISSOLUTION OF 

THE UNION THE PERDITION OF THE SANGUINE 

HOPES OF THE FIRST AND BEST OF MANKIND THRO'- 
OUT THE CIVILIZED WORLD. LET ME ADJURE YOU, 
FELLOW CITIZENS OF THE SOUTH, BY THE IMMOR- 
TAL MEMORY OF THE ILLUSTRIOUS WASHINGTON— 
BY THE MOST NOBLE BEQUEST OF YOUR GLORIOUS 
ANCESTORS, WHICH YOU OUGHT TO BEQUEATH UN- 
DIMINISHED TO YOUR POSTERITY— BY YOUR HOPES 
OF HAPPINESS HERE AND HEREAFTER— TO ASK 
YOURSELVES THE QUESTION, COOLLY AND CALMLY, 
ARE YOU PREPARED FOR THIS HIDEOUS STATE OF 
THINGS, AND ITS INEVITABLE RESULT, CIVIL AND 
SOCIAL WARS? HAMILTON. 

Philadelphia, Sept. 10, 1832. 



ERRATUM. — In the former Editions, page 25, it is stated that 
Mr. M'Duffie is a nullifier. This is erroneous, as he has declared 
his disapprobation of nullification. 



W4 



\••:^^^*^ \:^.f>j'\cf \-'^m'\.'' 



•^^ 



••..•^o 





































V 










^o 



















JS?,* ^-^ ^ ".-« 






\ 







